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Five reasons why the battle of Kobanê is important

Kurdish YPG-YPJ militias claimed victory in Kobanê after four months and a half facing Islamic State attacks. This crisis has brought unprecedented international attention on the Kurdish struggle. Why is this battle so important? An explanation by David Forniès*

Because it has a psychological impact. Kobanê does not lay on a remarkably strategic position, at least not from the Islamic State's (IS) point of view. However, the jihadists chose the canton of Kobanê -to which they had the easiest access- to reinforce their image as an invincible army, unstopabble by any of the armed groups in the region -even by the Kurds. But the IS overestimated its own ability to fight on multiple fronts, and as a consequence it now appears as a group that can be defeated by a popular militia -a well-trained and fit one, though.

Because two radically opposing views clash there. Probably nowhere else in the world could we find such opposed political and social models fighting just a few meters away. The Islamic State's proposal is an extremely strict one, centralized and violent against minorities, against women and, in general, against anyone who disagrees with it. Facing it, the government of Kobanê and the YPG-YPJ militias want to carry out the project of democratic confederalism as devised by the founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan. It is an anti-capitalist, pro-cooperative, feminist, and pro-municipalities program, vowing to defend ethnic and religious diversity. It is the first time that democratic confederalism can be implemented, and it is also the first time their proponents obtain such an important military victory.

Because the US-led operation has broken a taboo. The YPG-YPJ victory in Kobanê cannot be understood without taking into account the effect of more than 400 airstrikes that the US and its allies have carried out since October against IS positions in and around the city. It is the first time that Washington openly cooperates with a militia maintaining links with the PKK and sharing its political project. The operation in fact raises the issue of what approach should the Western world now follow as regards the PKK. The debate on the PKK's withdrawal from the list of terrorist organizations is now alive in several countries, including Germany.

Because Turkey's credentials are damaged as a result. Throughout the current crisis, Turkey insisted that the IS and the YPG-YPJ are both terrorist organizations. Kobanê, which is right next to the Turkish border, remained under siege because Ankara refused to allow the arrival of help there from its own territory. At the same time, Kurds allege Ankara has been colluding with the jihadists. Only after heavy pressure the Turkish government agreed a group of South Kurdish (Iraq) government's Peshmerga to reach Kobanê. American sources acknowledged Washington is upset with Turkey -a NATO member- because of Ankara's stance towards Kobanê and more generally towards the IS.

Because it marks a new episode of Kurdish solidarity. Despite significant ideological differences between South Kurdistan's conservative government and Kobanê's, cooperation between both military forces in the city's defense has been possible and, in fact, a Peshmerga has been killed there. The Peshmerga were hailed by Kurds as they crossed North Kurdistan (Turkey) while heading towards Kobanê. Many Kurds from East Kurdistan (Iran) also joined the YPG-YPJ as volunteers in the Kobanê resistance. Many of hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing Kobanê have taken refuge in North Kurdistan, where Kurdish-controlled municipalities -in one of Turkey's poorest areas- are helping them with their own means.

*David Forniès is Nationalia coordinator and head of CIEMEN Knowledge area.